Archive for July 8th, 2007


Thoughts on peace strategy

In my preceding posts, I developed a paradigm for conflict that suggests the leaders of the combatant parties are predisposed to continue fighting, and therefore will resist peace. This paradigm developed not because of any preconceived notion on my part, but because the conventional paradigm failed to explain the actions of the combatants. I spent literally years studying the Sri Lankan conflict, including three semesters of intensive study at my university, trying to understand how otherwise intelligent leaders could make so many “mistakes” that perpetuated the war.

The conclusion I finally came to relied on Occam’s Razor: “The simplest solution tends to be the best one.” Thus, I postulated that these leaders were not making mistakes, they were taking rational actions that served unseen goals. The paradigm worked, and I came to believe that in the absence of pressure to the contrary, the leaders will continue the war because it serves them to do so.

When the Iraq conflict began, I was interested to see whether the paradigm still worked. It does. It explains the behaviour of the combatants in a way no conventional explanation does.

Even though the leaderships of all combatants have a vested interest in continuing the war, this does not mean peace is impossible. Rather, it means that a peace strategy must address this fact and counter it. Here are some thoughts on peace strategy based on my work with the peace movement in Sri Lanka– which, while it has not yet ended the war, has seen some successes.

To be effective and accomplish his or her goals, a combatant leader needs two things: support from his/her constituency, and funding from outside. These are two levers that can be used to change the perspectives of the leaders. And it can work. In Sri Lanka, presidents committed to peace have come to power twice. And in the north, at one point the LTTE sent strong signals that it was willing to change. Unfortunately these didn’t happen at the same time.

One of the great challenges of peacemaking is that the national dialog, as controlled by the combatants, allows only two scenarios to be considered: military victory or military defeat. Defeat, obviously, is not an option, which leaves only the pursuit of victory as a “patriotic” goal. Alternative viewpoints are kept out of the media– either by intentional censorship, or by the simple fact that war gets better media ratings than peace.

The second challenge is that if a peace movement adopts an adversarial approach, they can be dismissed as irrelevant, or worse, labeled as enemy sympathizers. Likewise if a peace movement appears (or can be made to appear) sympathetic to one side or the other, the opposing side can dismiss them (or attack them) as “enemy.” Since the combatant leaders control the media, this is virtually a death sentence for the peace movement (sometimes quite literally).

So a peace strategy must have several characteristics: It must address either the constituency or the financial support of the combatant leaders. (My work has involved the constituency approach, so that where I will focus.) It must work outside traditional media channels, typically face-to-face contact with the grassroots members of the constituencies (or alternatively the financial supporters). It must work with all constituencies to be effective, since peace cannot be one-sided. And it must develop a paradigm alternative to the “us vs. them” paradigm promoted by both leaderships.

Lastly and most importantly, the peace strategy must do all of this without pointing fingers at the leaders– it must invite them to join in. In most conflict situations, even the opposition candidates who claim to support peace suddenly find “national security” reasons to continue the war once they are in office. So leadership change cannot be counted on to end a conflict. Rather, the leaders themselves must be changed.

To put it in crude terms, the leadership must see a mass of its constituents moving toward peace– and have the opportunity to jump in front and lead the parade.

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Cat meets raccoon

Cat and raccoon

A few days ago, in an attempt to get you all to click-through to our gardening blog, I linked to this photo. But not too many of you did, so here it is. Joey The Cat meets Rocky Raccoon on our back patio.

Shortly after this was taken, they got up close and personal and hissed at each other. I grabbed Joey. He chases intruder cats, including much larger ones, out of the yard with little trouble and has an ear-splitting banshee howl when he spots them. But he’s no match for a raccoon, animals that my sister who lives nearby refers to as “gangsters.” They look cute, but are extremely smart, unafraid of humans, and have a well-deserved reputation for viciousness.

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Poems from Guantánamo. The detainees speak

Published by University of Iowa Press.

death poem by Jumah al Dossari

Take my blood.
Take my death shroud and
The remnants of my body.
Take photographs of my corpse at the grave, lonely.

Send them to the world,
To the judges and
To the people of conscience,
Send them to the principled men and the fair-minded.

And let them bear the guilty burden before the world,
Of this innocent soul.
Let them bear the burden before their children and before history,
Of this wasted, sinless soul,
Of this soul which has suffered at the hands of the “protectors of peace.

Jumah al Dossari is a thirty-three-year-old Bahraini who has been held at Guantánamo Bay for more than five years. He has been in solitary confinement since the end of 2003 and, according to the U.S. military, has tried to kill himself twelve times while in custody.

WSJ review.

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Montana, New Hampshire, Maine oppose Real ID

Interesting that opposition to Real ID is coming out of mostly rural and more conservative states first.

Perhaps this is related to those states generally not requiring registration of firearms thus they view a national ID as just more of the same type of governmental control.

BTW, Happy 60th, Kalash.

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